Pat McCrory
Charlotte Mayor Pat McCrory has, over the years, shown solid political instincts, taking stands on issues that no one opposed, and keeping his head down when the going got tough. However, in recent months, Mayor McCrory has – many would maintain – matured from a careful politician to a mature leader. His opposition of a death penalty moratorium is just one example of an episode in which he faced controversy head-on. We recently say down with Mayor McCrory to discuss that vote and other issues facing Charlotte.
Warren Smith: First of all, I’ll do my best not to ask you about the arena.
Pat McCrory: Yeah, we’ve been sort of bombarded with that issue lately.
WS: There have been some events recently that have been new and different for you. One of which was "The Leader" story called "Falling Down." Among other things it said that the political landscape in Charlotte seems to be shifting. That there have been some votes that you have lost, and that’s an unusual thing. Is the political landscape in Charlotte shifting?
PM: I’ve seen the political landscape in Charlotte shift for the past six years. If you look at the county commission, school board, city council, there’s no doubt that the political spectrum has tilted to the left. At least with regard to the majority of the school board, the majority of the county commission, and now the majority of city council. What’s interesting, though, is that the top vote-getters in each of those bodies still continue to be people who are conservative to moderate. John Lassiter of the school board was the leading vote-getter in the last school board election. Myself as mayor. And on the county commission we have Tom Cox who got a lot of votes at large. I think you’re going to see more Republicans elected in this next county election.
I tend to see more of a leftward tilt in the off-year elections.
WS: Is any of this related to race? Is race becoming a defining or the defining issue for politics in the city of Charlotte?
PM: No, I don’t think so. In fact, from a racial standpoint the black community, which primarily votes Democratic, is actually reducing in percentage in both the city and the county. If race were a factor, it would be going in the opposite direction.
But what I am seeing is that in the last election is that the turnout in what the political scientists call the "black boxes" was much higher than in the suburban boxes. Especially in the school board elections. Although I anticipate that in the next presidential election, this November, it will all be fairly even.
WS: Some people are saying that the cause of the high turnout in the black community is the activism of black pastors. Lately, there was an event with Arthur Griffin, a fundraiser. Someone suggested that if Bill James had done this at Calvary Church he would probably be facing criminal charges. But Arthur Griffin can do it in the black churches and everyone turns a blind eye. In fact, Lynn Wheeler, a Republican, shows up at the event and contributes money. Does that sound appropriate to you?
PM: First of all, any public official accepting any sort of money is totally inappropriate. I think it goes beyond inappropriate. I think it’s just dead wrong. If I had done such a thing there would be an uproar in this community. I wouldn’t do such a thing. But I do see much more activism in some of the churches which you could designate as the "religious left." The media does not mention the "religious left" like they mention the "religious right," but the fact of the matter is that the religious left is very active in the school board, on the recent death penalty moratorium issue, and in other political issues that have recently been in the city and county spotlight. They are extremely visible and politically active.
I have strong concerns with that. I don’t like to get political pressure from a congregation. I don’t mind political pressure from individuals, but I don’t believe that a public servant should get political pressure from a church, whether that comes from the left or the right. I think it’s inappropriate.
It’s not that people should not be politically active, but the problem you have is that when a minister comes to speak in a government forum, we’re put on the spot. If we speak against the minister, it’s as though we’re speaking against the church. In fact, many times these are not church issues, but strictly political issues.
I have no objection to an individual speaking, regardless of their profession. But to speak as though they’re representing the total church or a congregation, that’s where I think the line is being crossed. I don’t think it’s fair to either public officials or to the members of the congregation. Plus, these are tax-exempt organizations, which means they could be crossing a legal line.
WS: You raised the moratorium issue. The folks on the religious left mobilized to fight the death penalty. Others are in favor of the death penalty. Still others simply felt that this was an inappropriate issue for a city council to consider.
PM: I fit into two of these categories. I did not think it was appropriate for the city council to make a decision on that issue for two reasons. One, we were not elected on that issue. Secondly, none of us are experts on that issue. None of us had done any study on that issue. It had absolutely nothing to do with the province over which we have decision making authority.
Now, I have no problem is every individual council member wanted to call their own press conference and express their view point on the moratorium, or on the death penalty, or on anything else. They have that right. But I don’t think they have any right to make a vote on behalf of the city of Charlotte.
I also totally objected to the moratorium. I think the statistics that were being presented to the city council were totally skewed. I personally looked up the 10 people who are on death row from Mecklenburg County….
WS: You personally looked them up?
PM: Yes. Pulled them up on the Internet. I wanted to find out who from Mecklenburg County was on death row and what murders did they commit. In every one of those ten cases there is absolutely no doubt of innocence or guilt. And not only that, but members of our own community were on that jury. They heard the facts. They heard the cases. They decided not only on their guilt but also on the death penalty, by unanimous count.
I thought it was inappropriate for us to attempt to overrule a jury of citizens from our own community.
WS: That controversy was in some ways a defining moment for you. A significant majority voted for the moratorium. You vehemently spoke out. Vetoed the resolution. Knowing there was enough votes to override your veto. A lot of people expected you to go with the majority. Some people think you showed real leadership for the first time on that issue. Do you view that as a defining moment?
PM: My main concern was precedent for the future. I vetoed that for two reasons. It’s terrible precedent. We were elected to fix the roads, to define land use policy, to make sure we have clean water. Those are the things people are judging my record on.
The other reason I vetoed it is that I strongly felt that the victims were not being represented. They were not here to speak for themselves. I think it was an insult to the victims of these crimes and to the juries who saw the details of these crimes and ruled. I felt passionate on both counts.
WS: To be clear, you are in favor of the death penalty?
PM: Yes, I am. It’s not something I strive to have occur. My goal is to prevent the crime from occurring to begin with. But I also firmly believe in accountability. If you have a society without accountability, you lose control. We know what happens from looking at history when you lose control of basic norms of society. The death penalty is the ultimate last resort.
Officers Nobles and Burnett were shot by a man about whom there was no doubt of innocence or guilt. I think that man is showing no remorse. I think the death penalty is appropriate in that rare case.
WS: Since you mentioned values and accountability, let me ask you about a phrase that is getting traction during this election cycle. That phrase is "compassionate conservatism." It seems to me that faith-based solutions to some of these intractable problems are beginning to be discussed much more openly. What do you see as the future of compassionate conservatism as a way of governing? Are there examples of it in the city of Charlotte?
PM: I think Charlotte was way ahead of the game in compassionate conservatism. In fact, my goal would be to not even have to use the term. In my personal faith, it should come naturally from within. You do things because it’s the right thing to do.
Examples that I’ve been involved in – and I don’t do them because it’s the political thing, but because it’s the right thing, and I don’t do them for show – is the Mayor’s Mentoring Alliance. My goal is to make sure that we don’t have anyone who grows up and becomes someone who murders. There is a group of young kids in this community, from the ages of six to seventeen or so, who believe there is no hope or opportunity. We’ve got to give them as much hope and opportunity as possible. The best way to do that is through one to one guidance, not through government programs.
I personally mentor two young kids in this community. I don’t put them on camera. They’re two kids who have lived under very difficult circumstances, circumstances that cause them to walk a fine tightrope between being involved in future criminal activity or becoming graduates of high school. I feel that if all of us don’t take a step toward intervening in these individual lives, these individuals will suffer and our communities as a whole will suffer.
I don’t know if you even need to use the term compassionate conservatism. It should just come natural to each one of us.
WS: You were recently on David Chadwick’s radio program talking about the mentoring program and talking about your faith. You have described your faith as being a process and a faith journey. And you just said that doing these positive things should come naturally. But I know that most people have a natural tendency NOT to do the right thing. Christianity is about the power of Jesus to transform our nature. Can you say a bit more about your understanding of faith and about your relationship with Christ?
PM: As I told my very good friend David Chadwick it is something very personal for me. It is something that also has a tremendous impact on my own personal growth, my relationship with my wife, and on how I think about this job. But, again, it’s not about following a law. It’s through my faith that I’m hopefully going to do the right thing. We are pulled to do the wrong things. On this job, there are political pressures. Other factors pull us in the wrong directions. To take the easy way out.
Where my faith has had the greatest impact on me is in my understanding of the word "grace." And on understanding the word "mercy." That’s where I’ve been helped tremendously in the past five years. I have come to understand that no matter how bad things are, I have much more than I deserve. This community has much more than we deserve. We’d better recognize that. That has had a tremendous impact on my life, even during the darkest of days.
WS: When you mention the darkest of days, I can’t help but wonder if you’re thinking of the death of your dad, which happened at about the time you were elected mayor. Sometimes men say that the death of their father is defining for them. It gives them a sense of mortality, and it also gives them an opportunity to "step up to the plate" and exercise leadership and accept responsibility. Was this event a dark time for you, or a liberating time?
PM: My dad died two weeks after I was elected mayor. He never got to see me sworn in, but he did get to sit here at the mayor’s desk the morning after the election. That was a very emotional moment for me and my entire family. In fact, I have a picture here of that day. I keep this picture here and I go to it often. I have discussions with my dad. I went through a period, which I think many of us in our 40s go through, and I think my dad’s sickness was a transformation for me.
He had struggles with church and with faith. And we talked about that during the last year of his life. That got us returning to the Bible. He often turned to Philippians 3. "Think of those things that are bright, the just, of beauty, and the God of peace will be with you." That helped us get through what we thought were the dark times, but I think now in retrospect I look at that as the best time of my life. Getting to know my dad better in the last year of his life. I get teary-eyed, but teary-eyed with a big smile on my face.
WS: I’d like to ask you about the future. First, about the future of Charlotte. What is the future of the city of Charlotte?
PM: The future of Charlotte is one of unlimited potential. The danger for Charlotte is that we take our success for granted. The success that we have in Charlotte has come through many past generations of hard work. Our job today is to ensure that future generations have the same quality of life that we enjoy. That’s why every decision I’m involved in I have to think 50 years down the road. Fifty years in the life of a city is like you and I planning for tomorrow. It’s a very, very short period of time. So every law we pass, every policy we enact, every land decision or zoning decision we make, we should be saying: "Is this the right decision for 50 years from now?" Not just through the next election cycle.
I hope that 20 or 30 years from now, if I’m still alive, that I can look back and say we made the right decisions. Because it may not be until 20 or 30 years from now that people will know that we made the right decisions.
WS: A lot of people underestimate the impact of North Carolina law that has allowed Charlotte to annex to the county line or to the border of other municipalities. But we’re reaching the limit. We have annexed to the Mecklenburg County line in a number of places.
PM: That’s right. With that law and Charlotte’s use of it, there is no way that the people of the suburbs can escape responsibility for the inner city. We have been forced to work together. And that has had a tremendous impact in ensuring that the racial divide does not divide any further. We have to work together.
Atlanta is a totally segregated city. And Richmond. Or Boston. Not just by race, but by economics. We’ve been fortunate that we haven’t had that.
WS: But that reality will come to an end when you get to the county lines.
PM: That’s why I’m working on a regional model, trying to get all the elected officials to work together. The decisions being made in Union County, Lincoln County, Cabarrus County, and Gaston County are going to have an impact on our environment and on our traffic congestion. We need to work together. That’s my main job.
WS: Now, about you personally. What are your plans? Are you going to run for Congress?
PM: Let me first say that anything beyond mayor is a demotion. If you want to be where the action is, it’s being mayor of a major city – or being on the school board. That’s where you can have the biggest impact on the future.
But I will have to move on, and I’ll probably make that decision early next year. I’m probably leaning toward one more term as mayor if the voters will elect me, and then make a decision about congress.
That’s always been in the back of my mind, but the longer you stay in the mayor’s office, the more you realize that you actually have more decision-making power at the local level than you do in Washington, DC. But I may have to take that demotion if I want to stay in public service.
Having been a mayor would be a great background for that. The people in Raleigh and in Washington don’t allow for enough local flexibility. That’s my major concern with both Raleigh and Washington politics.
WS: Don Reid said in "The Leader" that there are two Republican parties. A conservative wing and a moderate wing. Lynn Wheeler said – either jokingly or not – that she was thinking about moving over to the Democratic Party. How do you see these dynamics?
PM: I frankly think that 95% of Republicans agree on 95% of the issues. I don’t think there is much of a collision course among the Republican masses. I do think there are rivalries among elected officials and political leaders. These are dangerous things.
But in the Bush campaign, for example, Republicans are very united behind that campaign, and that’s why he has a great chance of winning. We are united.
The examples you gave are political in-fighting among the leadership. I wouldn’t know where to plug me in on that. There are certain issues I agree with Lynn on, or Don Reid, or Tim Sellers. There are others where we have minor disagreements. In general, we’re much different than Ella Scarborough, or Becky Carney, or Parks Helms.
Now, as for that "Leader" article. It was disturbing in two ways. I’m used to taking criticism. I have no problem with that, but I think the cover crossed the journalistic line like I’ve never seen before in Charlotte. They compared me to a movie character that kills people. I can’t imagine that being done to any other political leader in Charlotte’s history, especially on the Democratic side. That went over the line. And there were some misquotes. I very much supported the Republican ticket. I gave the maximum money allowed to Republican candidates, like Tim Sellers, who I thought was one of the best city councilmen in our city’s history.
Warren Smith: First of all, I’ll do my best not to ask you about the arena.
Pat McCrory: Yeah, we’ve been sort of bombarded with that issue lately.
WS: There have been some events recently that have been new and different for you. One of which was "The Leader" story called "Falling Down." Among other things it said that the political landscape in Charlotte seems to be shifting. That there have been some votes that you have lost, and that’s an unusual thing. Is the political landscape in Charlotte shifting?
PM: I’ve seen the political landscape in Charlotte shift for the past six years. If you look at the county commission, school board, city council, there’s no doubt that the political spectrum has tilted to the left. At least with regard to the majority of the school board, the majority of the county commission, and now the majority of city council. What’s interesting, though, is that the top vote-getters in each of those bodies still continue to be people who are conservative to moderate. John Lassiter of the school board was the leading vote-getter in the last school board election. Myself as mayor. And on the county commission we have Tom Cox who got a lot of votes at large. I think you’re going to see more Republicans elected in this next county election.
I tend to see more of a leftward tilt in the off-year elections.
WS: Is any of this related to race? Is race becoming a defining or the defining issue for politics in the city of Charlotte?
PM: No, I don’t think so. In fact, from a racial standpoint the black community, which primarily votes Democratic, is actually reducing in percentage in both the city and the county. If race were a factor, it would be going in the opposite direction.
But what I am seeing is that in the last election is that the turnout in what the political scientists call the "black boxes" was much higher than in the suburban boxes. Especially in the school board elections. Although I anticipate that in the next presidential election, this November, it will all be fairly even.
WS: Some people are saying that the cause of the high turnout in the black community is the activism of black pastors. Lately, there was an event with Arthur Griffin, a fundraiser. Someone suggested that if Bill James had done this at Calvary Church he would probably be facing criminal charges. But Arthur Griffin can do it in the black churches and everyone turns a blind eye. In fact, Lynn Wheeler, a Republican, shows up at the event and contributes money. Does that sound appropriate to you?
PM: First of all, any public official accepting any sort of money is totally inappropriate. I think it goes beyond inappropriate. I think it’s just dead wrong. If I had done such a thing there would be an uproar in this community. I wouldn’t do such a thing. But I do see much more activism in some of the churches which you could designate as the "religious left." The media does not mention the "religious left" like they mention the "religious right," but the fact of the matter is that the religious left is very active in the school board, on the recent death penalty moratorium issue, and in other political issues that have recently been in the city and county spotlight. They are extremely visible and politically active.
I have strong concerns with that. I don’t like to get political pressure from a congregation. I don’t mind political pressure from individuals, but I don’t believe that a public servant should get political pressure from a church, whether that comes from the left or the right. I think it’s inappropriate.
It’s not that people should not be politically active, but the problem you have is that when a minister comes to speak in a government forum, we’re put on the spot. If we speak against the minister, it’s as though we’re speaking against the church. In fact, many times these are not church issues, but strictly political issues.
I have no objection to an individual speaking, regardless of their profession. But to speak as though they’re representing the total church or a congregation, that’s where I think the line is being crossed. I don’t think it’s fair to either public officials or to the members of the congregation. Plus, these are tax-exempt organizations, which means they could be crossing a legal line.
WS: You raised the moratorium issue. The folks on the religious left mobilized to fight the death penalty. Others are in favor of the death penalty. Still others simply felt that this was an inappropriate issue for a city council to consider.
PM: I fit into two of these categories. I did not think it was appropriate for the city council to make a decision on that issue for two reasons. One, we were not elected on that issue. Secondly, none of us are experts on that issue. None of us had done any study on that issue. It had absolutely nothing to do with the province over which we have decision making authority.
Now, I have no problem is every individual council member wanted to call their own press conference and express their view point on the moratorium, or on the death penalty, or on anything else. They have that right. But I don’t think they have any right to make a vote on behalf of the city of Charlotte.
I also totally objected to the moratorium. I think the statistics that were being presented to the city council were totally skewed. I personally looked up the 10 people who are on death row from Mecklenburg County….
WS: You personally looked them up?
PM: Yes. Pulled them up on the Internet. I wanted to find out who from Mecklenburg County was on death row and what murders did they commit. In every one of those ten cases there is absolutely no doubt of innocence or guilt. And not only that, but members of our own community were on that jury. They heard the facts. They heard the cases. They decided not only on their guilt but also on the death penalty, by unanimous count.
I thought it was inappropriate for us to attempt to overrule a jury of citizens from our own community.
WS: That controversy was in some ways a defining moment for you. A significant majority voted for the moratorium. You vehemently spoke out. Vetoed the resolution. Knowing there was enough votes to override your veto. A lot of people expected you to go with the majority. Some people think you showed real leadership for the first time on that issue. Do you view that as a defining moment?
PM: My main concern was precedent for the future. I vetoed that for two reasons. It’s terrible precedent. We were elected to fix the roads, to define land use policy, to make sure we have clean water. Those are the things people are judging my record on.
The other reason I vetoed it is that I strongly felt that the victims were not being represented. They were not here to speak for themselves. I think it was an insult to the victims of these crimes and to the juries who saw the details of these crimes and ruled. I felt passionate on both counts.
WS: To be clear, you are in favor of the death penalty?
PM: Yes, I am. It’s not something I strive to have occur. My goal is to prevent the crime from occurring to begin with. But I also firmly believe in accountability. If you have a society without accountability, you lose control. We know what happens from looking at history when you lose control of basic norms of society. The death penalty is the ultimate last resort.
Officers Nobles and Burnett were shot by a man about whom there was no doubt of innocence or guilt. I think that man is showing no remorse. I think the death penalty is appropriate in that rare case.
WS: Since you mentioned values and accountability, let me ask you about a phrase that is getting traction during this election cycle. That phrase is "compassionate conservatism." It seems to me that faith-based solutions to some of these intractable problems are beginning to be discussed much more openly. What do you see as the future of compassionate conservatism as a way of governing? Are there examples of it in the city of Charlotte?
PM: I think Charlotte was way ahead of the game in compassionate conservatism. In fact, my goal would be to not even have to use the term. In my personal faith, it should come naturally from within. You do things because it’s the right thing to do.
Examples that I’ve been involved in – and I don’t do them because it’s the political thing, but because it’s the right thing, and I don’t do them for show – is the Mayor’s Mentoring Alliance. My goal is to make sure that we don’t have anyone who grows up and becomes someone who murders. There is a group of young kids in this community, from the ages of six to seventeen or so, who believe there is no hope or opportunity. We’ve got to give them as much hope and opportunity as possible. The best way to do that is through one to one guidance, not through government programs.
I personally mentor two young kids in this community. I don’t put them on camera. They’re two kids who have lived under very difficult circumstances, circumstances that cause them to walk a fine tightrope between being involved in future criminal activity or becoming graduates of high school. I feel that if all of us don’t take a step toward intervening in these individual lives, these individuals will suffer and our communities as a whole will suffer.
I don’t know if you even need to use the term compassionate conservatism. It should just come natural to each one of us.
WS: You were recently on David Chadwick’s radio program talking about the mentoring program and talking about your faith. You have described your faith as being a process and a faith journey. And you just said that doing these positive things should come naturally. But I know that most people have a natural tendency NOT to do the right thing. Christianity is about the power of Jesus to transform our nature. Can you say a bit more about your understanding of faith and about your relationship with Christ?
PM: As I told my very good friend David Chadwick it is something very personal for me. It is something that also has a tremendous impact on my own personal growth, my relationship with my wife, and on how I think about this job. But, again, it’s not about following a law. It’s through my faith that I’m hopefully going to do the right thing. We are pulled to do the wrong things. On this job, there are political pressures. Other factors pull us in the wrong directions. To take the easy way out.
Where my faith has had the greatest impact on me is in my understanding of the word "grace." And on understanding the word "mercy." That’s where I’ve been helped tremendously in the past five years. I have come to understand that no matter how bad things are, I have much more than I deserve. This community has much more than we deserve. We’d better recognize that. That has had a tremendous impact on my life, even during the darkest of days.
WS: When you mention the darkest of days, I can’t help but wonder if you’re thinking of the death of your dad, which happened at about the time you were elected mayor. Sometimes men say that the death of their father is defining for them. It gives them a sense of mortality, and it also gives them an opportunity to "step up to the plate" and exercise leadership and accept responsibility. Was this event a dark time for you, or a liberating time?
PM: My dad died two weeks after I was elected mayor. He never got to see me sworn in, but he did get to sit here at the mayor’s desk the morning after the election. That was a very emotional moment for me and my entire family. In fact, I have a picture here of that day. I keep this picture here and I go to it often. I have discussions with my dad. I went through a period, which I think many of us in our 40s go through, and I think my dad’s sickness was a transformation for me.
He had struggles with church and with faith. And we talked about that during the last year of his life. That got us returning to the Bible. He often turned to Philippians 3. "Think of those things that are bright, the just, of beauty, and the God of peace will be with you." That helped us get through what we thought were the dark times, but I think now in retrospect I look at that as the best time of my life. Getting to know my dad better in the last year of his life. I get teary-eyed, but teary-eyed with a big smile on my face.
WS: I’d like to ask you about the future. First, about the future of Charlotte. What is the future of the city of Charlotte?
PM: The future of Charlotte is one of unlimited potential. The danger for Charlotte is that we take our success for granted. The success that we have in Charlotte has come through many past generations of hard work. Our job today is to ensure that future generations have the same quality of life that we enjoy. That’s why every decision I’m involved in I have to think 50 years down the road. Fifty years in the life of a city is like you and I planning for tomorrow. It’s a very, very short period of time. So every law we pass, every policy we enact, every land decision or zoning decision we make, we should be saying: "Is this the right decision for 50 years from now?" Not just through the next election cycle.
I hope that 20 or 30 years from now, if I’m still alive, that I can look back and say we made the right decisions. Because it may not be until 20 or 30 years from now that people will know that we made the right decisions.
WS: A lot of people underestimate the impact of North Carolina law that has allowed Charlotte to annex to the county line or to the border of other municipalities. But we’re reaching the limit. We have annexed to the Mecklenburg County line in a number of places.
PM: That’s right. With that law and Charlotte’s use of it, there is no way that the people of the suburbs can escape responsibility for the inner city. We have been forced to work together. And that has had a tremendous impact in ensuring that the racial divide does not divide any further. We have to work together.
Atlanta is a totally segregated city. And Richmond. Or Boston. Not just by race, but by economics. We’ve been fortunate that we haven’t had that.
WS: But that reality will come to an end when you get to the county lines.
PM: That’s why I’m working on a regional model, trying to get all the elected officials to work together. The decisions being made in Union County, Lincoln County, Cabarrus County, and Gaston County are going to have an impact on our environment and on our traffic congestion. We need to work together. That’s my main job.
WS: Now, about you personally. What are your plans? Are you going to run for Congress?
PM: Let me first say that anything beyond mayor is a demotion. If you want to be where the action is, it’s being mayor of a major city – or being on the school board. That’s where you can have the biggest impact on the future.
But I will have to move on, and I’ll probably make that decision early next year. I’m probably leaning toward one more term as mayor if the voters will elect me, and then make a decision about congress.
That’s always been in the back of my mind, but the longer you stay in the mayor’s office, the more you realize that you actually have more decision-making power at the local level than you do in Washington, DC. But I may have to take that demotion if I want to stay in public service.
Having been a mayor would be a great background for that. The people in Raleigh and in Washington don’t allow for enough local flexibility. That’s my major concern with both Raleigh and Washington politics.
WS: Don Reid said in "The Leader" that there are two Republican parties. A conservative wing and a moderate wing. Lynn Wheeler said – either jokingly or not – that she was thinking about moving over to the Democratic Party. How do you see these dynamics?
PM: I frankly think that 95% of Republicans agree on 95% of the issues. I don’t think there is much of a collision course among the Republican masses. I do think there are rivalries among elected officials and political leaders. These are dangerous things.
But in the Bush campaign, for example, Republicans are very united behind that campaign, and that’s why he has a great chance of winning. We are united.
The examples you gave are political in-fighting among the leadership. I wouldn’t know where to plug me in on that. There are certain issues I agree with Lynn on, or Don Reid, or Tim Sellers. There are others where we have minor disagreements. In general, we’re much different than Ella Scarborough, or Becky Carney, or Parks Helms.
Now, as for that "Leader" article. It was disturbing in two ways. I’m used to taking criticism. I have no problem with that, but I think the cover crossed the journalistic line like I’ve never seen before in Charlotte. They compared me to a movie character that kills people. I can’t imagine that being done to any other political leader in Charlotte’s history, especially on the Democratic side. That went over the line. And there were some misquotes. I very much supported the Republican ticket. I gave the maximum money allowed to Republican candidates, like Tim Sellers, who I thought was one of the best city councilmen in our city’s history.
